665. Ibn ‘Umar said, “I heard the Messenger of Allah, may Allah bless him and grant him peace, say, ‘Anyone who removes his hand from obedience will meet Allah on the Day of Rising with no proof. Anyone who dies without having given Bayat will die the death of the Jahiliyya.’” [Muslim]
“Who is more cruel than the one who prevents the mosques of Allah from His name being recited therein, and strives for their destruction?” - Quran Surat Bakarah, Ayat 114 (Mufti Taqi Usmani Translation)
Abu Dawud mentioned in his Sunan that the Prophet (S) is related to have said, “The difference between us and the pagans is that we wear the ‘imama on top of the qalansuwa.”
What is a Qalansuwa?
qalansuwa thawiila
A taller cap. It was tapered.Probably was cone shaped, or may have been a truncated cone. Its height was supported by an internal frame work of reeds or wood. Eventually the tall form of qalansuwa was reserved for judges (30,31). (ref: Ahsan, M.M. (1979), Social Life under the Abbasids. Longman Group United Kingdom)
-note: (to get a perspective of time period, Sahih Bukhari was compiled under Abbasid Rule)
Elsewhere:
Usually the qalansuwa was a simple cone, but it could also be cut to curve around the side of the face and to extend down the back of the neck. Sometimes the qalansuwa is worn alone, sometimes with a simple criss-crossed winding clith (takhfifa), and sometimes with a full turban cloth wrapped around it. (ref: Stillman, Y (2003). Arab Dress: A Short History : from the Dawn of Islam to Modern Times (pg 72) Amsterdam: BRILL.)
Basically every piece of artwork representing people in the past 1400 years shows this style with small adjustments here and there from Ottoman times to the times immediately around the Prophet (S), to the Prophet’s (S) own turban as demonstrated here.
Sultan Mehmed I with his dignitaries -(Artwork Dated: 1413-1421) - Source: Badisches Landesmuseum
Badshahi Mosque (The Imperial mosque of Aurangzeb Alamgir) is situated to the west of the Lahore Fort. It is built on a raised platform, set on arches, and is considerably elevated above the surface of the ground. The handsome and stately gateway to the east, made of red sand-stone and marble, is approached by a magnificent flight of large circular steps, paved with a beautifully variegated stone from Kabul, known as Abri. The mosque has been built in imitation of the mosque of Al Walid in Mecca. Above the arched entrance are many small turrets of red sand-stone and marble, and a tablet of white marble on the outer face of this entrance has the following inscription, in large letters, below the Kalima of the Muslim creed: The mosque of the victorious and valliant king Muhy-ad-din Muhammed Alamgir. Constructed and completed under the superintendence of the humblest servent of the royal household, Fidai Khan, Koka, in 1084 A.H.”
…
The relics of the Prophet (S) and his successors, in the upper story of the archway are kept, in glass cases, the relics of the Prophet Muhammed (S) and of some of his successors and the leaders of the faith of Islam. They comprise a green turban worn by the Prophet Muhammed (S), with a cap, round which it was tied; a green coat worn by him; a dawk or wadded counterpane, with white and red stripes, used by him, his white trousers, a slipper of Muhammed (S); the mark of his foot impressed on a sandal coloured stone, and his white banner, with verses of Quran embroidered on it.
There are also the first chapter of the Quran, in the hand-writing of Ali, in Kufi characters, on a white paper; his cap with a turban tied round it, and a Tawiz (Talisman) belonging to him, written on an old paper.
There are the embroidered handkerchiefs of Fatima, daughter of Muhammed (S), and her embroidered carpet; Surahs Yasin and Wassafat, in Kufi characters, written by Hussein; his handkerchief, sprinkled with blood; a turban worn by Ghaus-ul-Azam, his quilt and his prayer carpet; some red earth from Kerbela; a decayed tooth, believed to be of Awais Karni; a cover of the prophet’s tomb, and the covers of the tombs of Hasan, Husein, and Ghaus-al-Azam.
The Muslims pay the highest respect to these relics of the leaders of their faith. They were kept in the Sheesh Mahal (Palace of Mirrors) in the fort, but were subsequently made over to the Muslims and are now kept at this place.
`an ummi salamah, qalat: lam yakun tawbun ahabba ila rasuli l-lahi
salla l-lahu `alayhi wa sallam mina l-qamis.
Umm Salamah reported that no *piece* (thawb) of clothing was more
beloved to the Messenger of Allah (May Allah bless him and give him
peace) than the qamees.
“When Bilal stood up for calling up the congregation he used to first say, “Assalamualaika Ayyuhan Nabiyyu Wa Rahmatullahi Wa Barakatahu. Yarhamuka Allah”
Tabarani recorded this report in his “Awsat (1/27/1 - Majma al-Bahrain) tracing it through Niqdam Ibn Daud, Abdullah b. Muhammad b Al-Mughira, Kamil Abul Ala, Abu Saleh, and Abu Hurayrah.
A few Naqshbandi shaykhs cultivated relations with Ottoman sultans. We recall Ishaq Bukahri al-Hindi, for whom Sultan Mehmed II built the first Naqshbandi tekke of the capital shortly after the conquest [6]. Uzun Muslihuddin, a khalifa of Ahmad Bukahri from the area of Kastamonu near the Black Sea, had Sultan Bayezid II remove an ‘injustice’ (zulm) against the local population, having informed the sultan that local “pious people” had seen the Prophet “saddened” in their dreams [7]. Ahmad Sadiq Tashkandi and Sa’ban Efendi were both close to Sultan Murad III, the first perhaps initiating him into the tariqa and the second having him visit his tekke in the Fatih district on several occasions. When Ahmad Sadiq died in the plague of 994/1586, the sultan is said to have suspended the work of the Imperial Council for three days [8]. However, the relations that all these individuals established with the members of the Ottoman dynasty and governing elite were squarely within the traditional mold of Sufi Shaykhs extending spiritual advice, guidance, and sustenance to the powerful in exchange for patronage. Not one of these individuals was involved in dynastic or factional conflicts or influenced crucial political decisions. In other words, none of this amounted to anything close to Ahrarian politics.
ref: Le Gall, Dina (2005). A Culture of Sufism: Naqshbandi’s in the Ottoman World, 1450-1700 (pg 139) New York: State University of New York Press.
[6] Ayvansarayi, Hadikat ul-cevami, 1:219
[7] Taskopruzade, Shaqaiq, 1:561-62; Baldirzade, Revzat el-evliya, 37a; Belig-iBursevi, Guldeste-i riyaz, 180
[8] On the first, see Sadiqi, Manhaj, 11b-12a; NEvizade Atai, Hadaik, 362; Selaniki, Ta’rih-i Selaniki (Freiburg reprint), 211-12. On the second, Mustafa b. Hayreddin, Silsile-i hocagan, 14b; Nevizade Atai, Hadaik, 371-72, 380; Selaniki Tarih-i Selaniki (ed. Mehmet Ipsirli), 1:343-44
Comments:
A clearer picture of Naksibendi relations with politics emerges. They had little to do with political squabbles, but often represented the interests of the weak to the powerful.
The character of the Sultans is again demonstrated as it wasn’t Shaykhs visiting Sultans, but Sultans visiting and sitting at the feet of Shaykhs in Fatih district of Istanbul.
Which political leader of today would react to an injustice on the account of a Shaykh’s recounting of a dream of the Prophet (S)?
Le Gall says spiritual advice was given in exchange for patronage, but discounts the reality that this advice was given to commoners who had no patronage to give as well. The understanding of the wealthy giving sadaqa to support dergahs which fed and housed the poor and the saintly is somewhat beyond the scope of a Non-Muslim reading of sufism.